Jon Burrows warns unionism cannot rely on identity alone as he calls for strategic rethink

Ulster Unionist Party leader Jon Burrows

Unionism must confront its past mistakes and give people practical reasons to support Northern Ireland remaining within the United Kingdom rather than relying on traditional identity and inherited allegiance, UUP leader Jon Burrows has argued.

The North Antrim MLA has set out a striking assessment of the challenges facing unionism, acknowledging previous strategic failures while warning that constantly portraying Northern Ireland as neglected or unsuccessful could ultimately strengthen the republican argument.

Writing in an opinion piece published in the News Letter, Mr Burrows argues for what he calls “smarter unionism” — focused on Northern Ireland working successfully, retaining young people, strengthening the economy and building political influence beyond unionism’s traditional base.

His central argument is blunt: defending the constitutional status quo is no longer enough.

“The responsibility of those who lead unionism is not simply to defend the Union. It is to promote it confidently, strengthen it strategically and ultimately leave it in a better place than we found it.”

‘Short-term tactics have substituted for long-term strategy’

Mr Burrows says that requires honesty about where political unionism has fallen short.

He points to the reduction of the Northern Ireland Assembly from 108 to 90 members, which he says resulted in unionism no longer commanding a majority, as well as changes to local government and the political handling of Brexit.

On the latter, he argues that post-Brexit negotiations were “mishandled” before safeguards were subsequently negotiated, saying assurances that there would be no Irish Sea border, checks or paperwork ultimately proved untrue.

But he explicitly rejects using those examples simply to attack the DUP.

“I do not cite them simply because they happened under DUP leadership. Political movements that endure are those who learn, and every unionist party has lessons to confront.”

His conclusion is that political volume cannot substitute for strategy.

“Shouting loudly may generate headlines and applause, but volume is not influence, and protest alone is not a serious plan.”

That represents a significant challenge to how unionism conducts itself as well as how it communicates its message.

Union ‘cannot rest on identity alone’

Mr Burrows describes himself as a passionate unionist who feels both British and Northern Irish, but acknowledges that identity will not persuade everyone.

For people who do not approach Northern Ireland’s constitutional future through inherited allegiance, he says unionists need to demonstrate the practical benefits of remaining within the UK.

“Our case cannot rest on identity alone. We must explain what the Union means in everyday life, particularly to those who do not approach the constitutional question through inherited allegiance.”

His argument encompasses security, public services, economic support from the Treasury and Northern Ireland’s access to the wider UK economy.

But it comes with an important qualification: unionism must also demonstrate that government works and public money is used effectively.

Warning that negativity could help republicanism

One of Mr Burrows’ sharper warnings concerns unionism’s own portrayal of Northern Ireland.

While calling for fair funding and greater strategic investment from Westminster, he argues that continually presenting Northern Ireland as neglected carries a political risk.

“But if unionism is constantly portraying Northern Ireland as neglected, we risk making republicanism’s case for it.”

Instead, he wants unionism to become a more confident advocate for Northern Ireland itself.

He rejects descriptions of the region as a “failed place” or “basket case”, pointing to competitive businesses, skilled workers, agri-food, advanced manufacturing, creative industries, universities and tourism.

“Northern Ireland is not a failed place. We have globally competitive businesses, exceptionally skilled workers, world-class agri-food and advanced manufacturing, thriving creative industries, outstanding universities and a strong tourism offering.”

His message is effectively that the constitutional argument and Northern Ireland’s economic and social performance cannot be separated: making Northern Ireland work is itself part of making the case for the Union.

Young people central to long-term challenge

That argument becomes particularly significant when Mr Burrows turns to younger generations.

He asks why relatively few young unionists are pursuing careers in politics, journalism, academia and the wider media, saying unionism needs future leaders capable of shaping debate and presenting its case confidently.

But his argument goes beyond political representation.

He says unionists must speak to people about the realities shaping their lives: finding an affordable home, securing a university place, building a career, starting a business and raising a family.

The continued departure of talented young people from Northern Ireland, he argues, should be a particular concern for unionism.

“The brain drain should concern every political leader, but it should concern unionism particularly.”

Mr Burrows calls for an expansion of the skills base, more higher education opportunities and more high-quality employment so that leaving Northern Ireland becomes a choice rather than a necessity.

For a political movement concerned with Northern Ireland’s long-term constitutional future, that raises a fundamental issue: the strength of the Union decades from now will depend partly upon whether younger generations believe Northern Ireland offers them a future worth staying for.

Burrows calls for wider political relationships

Mr Burrows also wants unionism to strengthen relationships across Westminster and throughout the UK rather than confining political engagement to natural allies.

He points to the relationship-building of former UUP leader Robin Swann in London as an example, arguing that “positive engagement builds understanding, influence and kinship across the United Kingdom”.

He applies the same strategic thinking to political conduct, arguing that leadership sometimes requires restraint even when an action is technically lawful.

At the same time, he insists that a more outward-looking unionism should not mean becoming timid.

Mr Burrows says Sinn Féin should be challenged when it undermines confidence in Northern Ireland and says unionists must resist attempts to rewrite history by equating veterans and former RUC officers with terrorists who targeted them.

A wider argument about unionism’s future

The significance of Mr Burrows’ intervention lies less in any single policy proposal than in the political philosophy he is setting out as UUP leader.

It combines traditional support for Northern Ireland’s place within the UK with an acknowledgement that inherited identity alone will not necessarily secure that position for future generations.

His prescription is a unionism prepared to recognise previous mistakes, exercise greater political discipline, make an economic as well as cultural case for the Union, cultivate influence outside its traditional constituency and focus much more heavily on whether Northern Ireland delivers for the people who live here.

“That is the smarter unionism our times demand: proud but persuasive, resolute but strategic, honest about past mistakes and ambitious for the future.”

And he concludes with what is perhaps the clearest summary of the challenge he believes now faces his own party and the wider unionist movement:

“Our duty is not merely to preserve what we inherited. It is to build something stronger and more successful for the generations still to come.”

For Mr Burrows, therefore, the long-term argument for the Union is increasingly inseparable from a more immediate test: whether Northern Ireland can provide the homes, jobs, opportunities, public services and confidence that make people — particularly its younger generations — want to build their future here.